At the beginning of 2015, the Ukrainian president approved the Strategy 2020 program, a strategy which includes 25 key performance indicators which can be used to assess Ukraine’s progress in implementing the strategy program. In a series of upcoming posts we will evaluate how likely it is that Ukraine will reach some of these KPIs by 2020. Here, we evaluate ‘ being in the Top 40 of the Global Competitiveness Index’.
Category: Vision for Ukraine
In 2003, few people would believe that in a few years Georgia would turn from one of the most corrupt CIS countries into one of the most business-friendly countries in the world. Similarly, very few people could think twenty five years ago that Poland would become a regional leader. Looking at their experience, Olga Aleszko has no doubt that Ukraine will become successful too.
We follow so closely careers of famous compatriots, we take their successes and failures so closely to our hearts. Sometimes this is called “national pride”. VoxUkraine looks at the Wikipedia list of “most famous people” born in Ukraine and finds a few interesting things. But this list of famous provides a few reasons for irony. For example, the number one on the list, Leon Trotsky, hardly had any sentiment for Ukraine, while his neighbour Mykola Gogol’s writings are all about Ukraine, although he was writing in Russian.
Today’s statement by the Minister for Economic Development and Trade can trigger a political crisis with unpredictable outcomes. It discredits the institution of the President in Ukraine. A consequence of this crisis can be the loss of actual legitimacy by the President, which will put on hold the reform efforts, corruption fighting, eliminate any opportunity for the constitutional reform and Minsk-2 format, and simplify the task for the Russian government to destroy the Ukrainian state.
One cannot help to notice Poroshenko’s as well as many other Ukrainian political actors’ and observers’ frequent avoidance of the touchiest issue concerning the Minsk Agreements: Kyiv’s fulfilment of the Ukrainian obligations under these agreements, and, in particular, the introduction of a constitutional basis for a future special status for parts of the Donbass. While the inclusion of this clause into the Minsk Agreements may have been a mistake, it is now too late to fully correct it, and to simply exclude it from the deal, in a one-sided partial denunciation of the signed treaty.
At the beginning of 2015, the Ukrainian president approved the Strategy 2020 program, a strategy which includes 25 key performance indicators (KPI) which can be used to assess Ukraine’s progress in implementing the strategy program. In a series of upcoming posts we will evaluate how likely it is that Ukraine will reach some of these KPIs by 2020. The first KPI we evaluated was ‘winning 35 medals at the 2020 Summer Olympic Games in Japan’. Here we evaluate the goal of ‘being in the top 50 of the PISA ranking’.
It is difficult to build social trust with such a legacy of deformities. But as with any other pathology, the first step requires publicly identifying the problem, grasping its historical roots, and then explicitly rejecting the past and honestly committing to a future. Thankfully, Ukraine is no longer isolated. Now comes the hard part: challenging moral degradation, challenging and rejecting virtuality, and rebuilding almost from scratch the Ukrainian legal system.
The idea of international criminal justice in the context of the recent events in Ukraine has been highly popular in the domestic political discourse. The dramatic events, which started in November 2013, have brought the issue of Ukraine’s cooperation with the International Criminal Court to the centre of public attention. At the same time, the ICC and its powers are widely misunderstood and misrepresented.
The most important challenge facing Kyiv today is to change the way in which government works. The current system operates the way it does because it benefits those who control it. One important step for going forward is for the government to adopt an inclusive model of development based on the concept of a ‘Public-Private Partnership’. The fundamental benefit of the P3 model is that it helps forge a common consensus on ‘the way forward’ out of the disparate objectives and interests of all stakeholders who are unable on their own to achieve a developmental goal.
The demands that society voiced in the wake of the Revolution of Dignity are still on the table. Today, these demands unite the absolute majority of Ukrainians. Every day that you do nothing destroys your chances to regain the trust of the people to the government. The article is dedicated to the anniversary of the March of Millions