Are Ukraine's Political Values Truly Democratic? Primary Predictors behind the Formation of Democratic Values among Ukrainian

Are Ukraine’s Political Values Truly Democratic? Primary Predictors behind the Formation of Democratic Values among Ukrainian

17 March 2025
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This article argues that Ukrainians are ambivalent between authoritarianism and democracy in their political values. While the population broadly supports democratic governance, the persistence of certain authoritarian-leaning beliefs suggests that fully embedding democratic principles within society remains a challenge.

Democracy is widely seen as a governance system that promises fairness and justice in political decision-making. In democratic societies, citizens elect representatives who are expected to shape national policies in alignment with the will of the majority while ensuring the protection of minority rights. However, the effectiveness of democracy depends not just on its formal institutions but also on the extent to which individuals support and practice democratic values.

In Ukraine, democracy retains deep significance, with the population showing a strong commitment to preserving democratic governance even in the face of ongoing war. However, despite this widespread support for democracy, many Ukrainians still hold beliefs that do not fully align with democratic ideals. Certain remnants of Soviet occupation still persist in their political culture.

A recent survey, designed by the author and conducted by Research.ua LLC in November 2024, highlights this discrepancy. Building on Pernia’s (2022) framework, it examines political values across three key dimensions: conformity, anti-political pluralism, and support for strong leaders. Specifically, the conformity dimension assesses attitudes toward authority through statements such as: “Government leaders are like the head of a family; we should all follow their decisions” and “The government should decide whether certain ideas should be allowed to be discussed in society.” Anti-political pluralism is measured by responses to statements: “The harmony of the community will be disrupted if people organize numerous groups” and “If people have too many different ways of thinking, society will be chaotic.” Finally, support for strong leaders — a preference that leans toward authoritarianism rather than democratic governance — is evaluated with the statement: “A strong leader does not have to bother with parliament or elections.” Participants rated their agreement with these statements on a seven-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree), with higher scores indicating stronger authoritarian tendencies and lower scores reflecting more pro-democratic attitudes.

Figure 1. Distribution of responses for questions measuring political values in Ukraine

As illustrated in Figure 1, the survey responses reveal distinct patterns. Among the three dimensions, support for strong leaders exhibits the highest levels of authoritarian inclination. Meanwhile, fewer respondents agreed with restricting freedom of expression, indicating stronger resistance to government control over public discourse. Interestingly, openness to political pluralism did not emerge as a defining factor in pro-democratic attitudes, revealing its complex and evolving role within Ukraine’s democratic landscape. 

These findings suggest a unique characteristic of the democratization process in Ukraine. While Ukrainians broadly support democratic governance, the persistence of certain authoritarian-leaning beliefs suggests that fully embedding democratic principles within society remains an ongoing challenge. 

However, when compared to similar surveys, Ukraine exhibits political values that are largely consistent with those observed in many countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans. For example, data from GLOBSEC indicate that 33% of respondents across this broader region prefer governance by a strong leader over a democratic system (GLOBSEC 2021, p. 15). In particular, approximately 40% of respondents from Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, North Macedonia, and Montenegro support the idea that a strong leader who governs without parliamentary oversight or elections would be beneficial for their country (GLOBSEC 2021, p. 13). This proportion rises to 58% among individuals who endorse the narrative of a ‘decadent West.’ Furthermore, the perception of the US as a threat lands at 26% across the whole region and at 42% among respondents sympathetic towards authoritarianism (GLOBSEC 2021, p. 14).

To analyze how political values vary across different socio-demographic characteristics of Ukrainians, Principal Component Analysis was used to confirm that the five items load onto a single construct (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.96). Based on this result, an aggregate score was computed for political values by averaging five item responses for each participant. The mean value of this score is 3.6 out of 7, suggesting that Ukrainians exhibit a degree of ambivalence, balancing between authoritarian and democratic orientations.

This composite score does not appear to be significantly influenced by age or income level (see Table 1). Likewise, gender and education exert only minor effects. Male respondents, for instance, display slightly stronger democratic values than female respondents, and this difference is statistically significant. Graduates of a technical school or specialists with incomplete higher education (middle education) lean more toward authoritarianism compared to those with higher education. However, no significant differences in political values were found between individuals who only completed or did not complete secondary school (low-educated) and those with higher education. 

Language used in daily communication does not seem to play a decisive role in shaping political values. Bilingual individuals tend to hold more democratic views than those who speak only Ukrainian or Russian. No significant differences were found between Russian and Ukrainian monolingual speakers regarding their preference for authoritarian or democratic values. This is in line with the previous findings suggesting that language no longer defines political preferences in Ukraine.

A particularly notable trend emerges in relation to national identity. Respondents with a stronger sense of affiliation with the Ukrainian nation report slightly higher levels of authoritarian values than those with a weaker national identity. Specifically, a one-point increase in affiliation with Ukraine shifts political values toward authoritarianism by just 0.1 points (p<0.01) holding other factors constant. This means that national identity might be increasingly politicized in Ukraine, though it does not necessarily integrate democratic principles as its inherent component.

Beyond socio-demographic factors, perceptions of corruption and personal moral beliefs significantly shape political values. Individuals with lower perceived levels of corruption in Ukraine tend to support democratic values more strongly. Similarly, those who believe that corruption is unjustifiable are more likely to adopt pro-democratic attitudes. These findings align with previous research indicating that a lower tolerance for corruption correlates with stronger democratic commitments.

Table 1: Predictors behind the formation of political values in Ukraine

Predictors Estimate Std. Error t value Pr(>|t|)
Intercept     2.680*** 0.287   9.339   0.000
Age                0.001   0.004 0.170 0.865  
Gender (Male = 1)        -0.272*** 0.079 -3.421 0.001
Education 
Higher (base category)
Middle      0.178** 0.089    1.998 0.045 
Low      0.058 0.129 0.456 0.648
Income (in hryvnia)
More than 30 000 (base category)
From 10 000 to 30 000      0.090 0.166 0.544 0.586
Up to 10 000       0.233 0.161    1.449 0.147   
Language 
Ukrainian (base category)
Russian  -0.046 0.138 -0.340 0.734
Bilingual      -0.253** 0.098 -2.557 0.011 
Other    -0.618   0.657 -0.940 0.347
Corruption levels in Ukraine currently

(1 = complete corruption, 7 = no corruption at all)

-0.249*** 0.032 -7.622 0.000
Corruption is unjustifiable 

(1 = totally disagree, 7 = totally agree)      

-0.043** 0.018 -2.463 0.013
I feel to belong to the Ukrainian nation   

(1 = totally disagree, 7 = totally agree)         

0.107*** 0.029    3.715 0.000
R-squared   0.3348
Adjusted R-squared:   0.3224
Number of observations  850

Note: The dependent variable in the regression is an aggregate score of political values calculated by averaging five item responses related to conformity, anti-political pluralism, and support for strong leaders for each participant. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1.

Overall, these results highlight the unique dynamics shaping political values in Ukraine. Unlike in some post-Soviet states, prior experiences with the Soviet past do not appear to determine a strong inclination toward authoritarianism, as age-related differences are not significant. At the same time, recent experiences in an independent and democratic Ukraine do not seem to be strong enough to significantly enhance democratic attitudes. Instead, political orientations of Ukrainians appear to be shaped primarily by individual moral perspectives and specific experiences, such as exposure to corruption. 

At the same time, the absence of fully developed democratic values may have serious consequences for the country’s political trajectory. According to political theory, weak democratic values often result in hybrid regimes that combine democratic and authoritarian elements. This has been the case in Ukraine, which remains classified as a hybrid democracy by Freedom House, with a democracy score of 3.43 out of 7 in 2024. This intermediate position reflects that the country has the potential to build a full-fledged democracy but it also remains susceptible to authoritarian regression.

Therefore, Ukraine needs to promote the development of stronger democratic values to build a full-fledged democracy. In achieving this goal, one should remember that values can be actively cultivated, particularly through education. Despite Ukraine’s 34-year-long effort to establish democracy, there has been no systematic attempt to integrate democratic education into the national curriculum. Introducing a mandatory, long-term civics course in schools could play a transformative role in shaping democratic behavior from an early age. Such a curriculum should emphasize the importance of electoral participation, train students in democratic decision-making, instill a strong rejection of corruption, and promote the rights to self-expression, protest, and civic activism. By normalizing these democratic practices, education can help instill a culture of participation, ensuring that future generations internalize democratic norms.

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