How has the largest parliamentary faction in Ukraine’s history evolved? An analysis of 11 sessions of the 9th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada reveals the gradual fragmentation of the once-monolithic “Servant of the People” faction into several groups of MPs with differing positions.
Methodology
For the analysis of the Verkhovna Rada’s work, we examined 449 reform-oriented bills (ranging from 77 in the 2nd session to 18 in the 9th session) from the Reform Index database, which has been tracking and evaluating legislative initiatives with expert involvement since 2015.
Each MP’s vote was converted into a numerical format, with a “yes” vote counted as +1 point, a “no” vote as -1 point, and other options (abstained, did not vote, or was absent) as 0 points. This approach creates a unique “voting profile” for each MP—a set of 449 numerical values.
To visualize this data, we used the UMAP algorithm. This mathematical technique transforms high-dimensional voting data into a two-dimensional graph, where each point represents an MP. The absolute coordinates of the points are not important; what matters is their proximity to one another—the closer the points, the more similarly the corresponding MPs voted. The color of each point indicates the MP’s faction affiliation.
We created 11 such visualizations—one for each parliamentary session—analyzing only the laws passed during that session (an average of about 45 bills per session). This approach allows us to track how groups of MPs with similar voting patterns evolved and how the mono-majority transformed over the course of the parliamentary term.
Note 1: The visualization starts from the second session, as the first session lasted only one day (August 29, 2019). The charts include only MPs who were active as of January 15, 2024.
Note 2: The charts for the 4th and 9th sessions do not display clear clusters due to the small number of reform-oriented laws analyzed during these periods (21 and 18, respectively). The fewer the data points, the harder it is for the algorithm to identify voting patterns, resulting in a more scattered distribution of MPs on these charts.
At the beginning of Parliament’s work, we observe a tightly united mono-majority, with all Servant of the People MPs voting almost identically, forming a dense cluster on the visualization. This period, known as the “turbo mode,” was marked by the faction’s highest level of consolidation. Other factions are also clearly distinguishable, with Holos and European Solidarity showing the most distinct voting patterns, positioned farthest from the mono-majority.
At the end of the second session (in January 2020), independent MPs formed the Dovira parliamentary group, and starting from the third session, we can observe how consistently this group voted alongside the mono-majority. During this period, Holos also strongly supported Servant of the People in reform-related votes, effectively forming a de facto coalition of 269 MPs. The only exception to the otherwise unified voting pattern within Servant of the People was MP Daria Volodina, whose voting behavior positioned her among the opposition.
By the end of the second year of Parliament’s work (the 5th session), MPs from the For Future faction began aligning more closely with the “Servants,” while support from Dovira remained stable. This led to forming a new de facto coalition of 263 MPs. At the same time, those who were frequently absent from parliamentary sessions started to drift away from the mono-majority, notably Anastasiia Liashenko and Zhan Beleniuk—the latter being engaged in international competitions.
By the midpoint of the parliamentary term (the 6th session, which lasted from August 2021 to January 2022), changes in cohesion became evident. The mono-majority begins to “scatter” across the graph, indicating the emergence of different groups within the faction with distinct voting patterns. Meanwhile, opposition factions remain cohesive.
The start of the 7th session coincided with the beginning of the full-scale invasion. During this period, we observed a strong consolidation of MPs and active participation from both the opposition and the coalition—lawmakers united to pass critical decisions under martial law. However, despite this unity, differences in voting patterns still persisted, allowing the outlines of individual factions to remain visible.
Starting from the 8th session, Parliament is no longer divided into a coalition and opposition but rather into three categories: those who consistently attend and vote, those who do not always support reforms, and those who take little to no active part in most votes. The number of active MPs decreases to 144. A key reference point for tracking the reformist wing is the position of Oleksandr Pasichnyi, an MP with a consistently high level of reform support according to our rankings. Conversely, passive MPs can be identified by tracking Olha Savchenko, who has gradually reduced her parliamentary presence since the 3rd session.
The division between MPs who actively support reform-oriented laws (the de facto coalition) and more passive parliamentarians remains consistent throughout the following sessions. At times, the second group splits further into “absentees” and those who vote for reforms selectively (as seen in the 8th and 11th sessions). By the end of the 11th session, only 95 MPs continue to consistently support reform initiatives, while 140 deputies have effectively withdrawn from active legislative work.
Among those who do not vote, a significant number are habitual absentees. However, attendance analysis reveals that Parliament’s problem is not just absenteeism but also a less obvious issue—non-participation in parliamentary work. In such cases, MPs are physically present in the Rada and insert their voting cards into the system for registration but do not participate in voting. These “silent attendees,” together with habitual absentees, create a significant gap between the official and actual number of working MPs. According to the Law on the Status of a People’s Deputy, MPs are required to personally participate in voting. At the same time, parliamentary regulations specify that participation is realized by pressing the “Yes,” “No,” or “Abstain” buttons.
MPs with the highest percentage of missed votes despite being present in the chamber during the 11th session.
From its monolithic unity, the Servant of the People faction has transformed into fragmented groups—some MPs continue to actively work on reforms, others participate in voting selectively, and a significant portion has effectively withdrawn from legislative work despite retaining their mandates. This decline in parliamentary activity poses serious risks to the legislative process. If the number of active MPs continues to decrease, passing crucial decisions could become significantly more challenging.
Photo: depositphotos.com/ua
Attention
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